South. " Is not this trifling with the people who are the great sufferers by this war? Whilst Mr. Davis and his Congress are holding out the idea to their own people that they will have us all annihilated before they will consent to a restoration of the old Union, they send commissioners to the Federal authorities to propose ultimate reconstruction, provided present advantages can be secured thereby.

If the people of the South belong to Mr. Davis and his Congress - if they are but the subjects of a military despotism that is supreme - they will submit to have the negroes freed and armed, and await with meek resignation the ruin, degradation, and slavery that is too sure to follow; but if they are the free citizens of free sovereign States, they will not bow the neck for the yoke that is preparing for them, but will demand that such terms as the Federal authorities propose to offer be submitted to them for their ratifications or rejection. This is the people's war, and we are satisfied, from our intercourse with them, that an immense majority are for stipping it.

[From the Standard.]

The Confederate, of this city, after giving the terms of peace offered by Mr. Lincoln to Southern people, says:

Before expressing the sentiments with which these propositions impress us, we wait to see whether those who have heretofore differed from us, will offer us hopes of united action.

The Legislature of this State, which has just adjourned, would neither make war nor make peace. Tt seemed to halt between two opinions. The reply of Mr. Lincoln was known tot hat body before it adjourned, and yet it neither prolonged its session nor expressed its views in relation to the terms which he had offered us. It said neither yea nor may to those terms. Of course we speak of the majority, composed of Davis and Vance destructives. Even the editor of the Confederate, who speaks for the Confederate officials in this State and for the destructive party, "waits to see" what his opponents will do before he buckles on his armor and hurls defiance at President Lincoln. Under these circumstances what are we to do? If the editor of the Confederate and those who agree with him think there is reasonable ground for hoping that Grant and Sherman can be driven back, the Federal armies generally defeated, our lost territory regained, and that, as the result of this, the enemy will sue for peace and then given us independence - we say, if they think there is reasonable ground for hoping for this, let them urge on the war; but let them remember that the Confederacy will need, in order to make successful headway in the field, at least 200,000 more men, to say nothing of negro soldiers; and that supplies must be produced for the army and the people at home. If the war fever is increasing, and if the purpose is to "fight it out" to the last extremity, why is it that we hear of no volunteering, and of no efforts to raise companies to meet the enemy? But suppose there should be no reasonable ground to hope for success, and that from very desperation the war should be prosecuted six months longer, and 50,000 more lives should be lost, and all these States should be overrun and subjugated, and utter run should thus befall us, sweeping into its vortex our slaves and the unoffending women and children, and the States should be reduced to a territorial condition and military governors placed over them, and they should be held in this condition for years; suppose these results should take place, what would be the feelings and fate of those whom the people would regard as instrumental in causing all these calamities?