around me and pressed me to give them a home talk, such as I had been accustomed to. I spoke a second time more familiarly, and I find even that was reported by an evening paper, which may be reproduced and need explanation. My purpose there was to encourage what I had already initiated-the formation in the city of Memphis [of] a brigade of four regiments for its defense against a dash of guerrillas, should such be attempted in the absence of a too heavy garrison, heretofore kept there, and in close support. Already thirty two companies, of 100 each, are formed, and without any pay or assistance, save arms, have agreed to obey the orders of the post shed as an armory, and issue to them second-hand muskets and ammunition, with blue sack coats and forage caps, to be used only when assembled for drill. In this connection I expressed a doubt whether Tennessee would gain much by a mere political State organization. They are in a state of anarchy. No sheriff can serve a writ in the interior, and there is no court that can administer law. I said order must grow out of chaos in a slower and more natural way. Men suited to each stage of the progress of development would rise equal to occasion, and by way of illustration instanced the example of this war. When it first burst upon us we were all paralyzed for want of suitable leaders, but as the ward progressed these evolved. In this connection I used your name in such a way as even you could not object. I spoke of your indomitable industry, and called to mind how when Ord, Loeser, Spotts, and I were shut up in our state-room, trying to keep warm with lighted candles, and playing cards on the Old Lexington, off Cape Horn, you were lashed to your berth studying, boning harder than you ever did at West Point. I spoke of your knowledge of law, especially the higher branch of it-the low of war and of nations. I had noticed with concern that some disorganizing newspapers were thing to undermine your authority and influence, and supposed it resulted from your abrupt, bisque manner, even to members of Congress, but concluded by saying you knew more of your profession than Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Chase, and Mr. Seward combined, and I believed in their turn they appreciated you, and the public would come to a right conclusion in the end. I mentioned Grant's name with marked esteem, for his strong points are in his simple courage and faith in his cause, in his attachment to his friends and coworkers, and his utter absence of vainglory and selfish pride. I mention these facts merely to prevent my being misquoted, which may not be; but I am going away where I cannot be heard of for no desire to misquote me down here, but I know many at the North would make a new schism in heaven itself if they could gain an hour's notoriety by it. I think you and all thinking men will approve my earnest resolve to keep out of all political complications. Mr. Chase may try his trade schemes, so that he is neutral as between the public enemy and my army, and civil governors may be inaugurated and go to work, but we have not now, and never have had, more than enough men to accomplish military results, let alone guarding civil interests and local combinations.

With respect, your friend,

W. T. SHERMAN,

Major-General.