The number of troops sent to Texas was about 52,000. Shortly after they had arrived and become somewhat settled, orders came for the muster out of about 47,000 of this force, and the muster out was carried, on gradually and in accordance with our ability to bring them back, so that the movement may be considered as equal to a continuous movement of over 90,000 men over the most difficult line of operations which we have in the country. I make these remarks because I was under the impression at one time that the Quartermaster-General did not fully understand the magnitude of the movement, or the natural obstacles in the way of its accomplishment, and we had to struggle for six months without funds, on the plea that the Brazos Railroad was constructed without authority, and the public service made to suffer a punishment by this denial of funds. I believe the Quartermaster-General was influenced in this act by the representations of incompetent inspectors sent out to make reports.

The condition of civil affairs in Texas was anomalous, singular, and unsatisfactory. I found the provisional governor, backed by a small portion of the population, had for his standard of loyalty, "Abhorrence for the rebellion and glory in its defeat; while his successor, as actual governor, had for his standard of loyalty, "Pride in rebellion; that it was a righteous but lost cause, being overpowered by the Federal forces. " Both of these representatives of the civil law, entertaining opposite standards for the loyalty of their subjects, I was required to support, and did it to the best of my ability, but it has been embarrassing in the extreme. Governor Hamilton, the provisional governor, was clamorous for more troops, and in several communications to me asserted that the civil law could not be carried out; that freedmen would be killed and Union men driven from the State without military support, which I gave whenever it was possible. Governor Throckmorton, the present governor, wants all the troops moved from the settled portions of the State, asserting that the civil law was all right; that justice would be done to freedmen, Union men, and our soldiers, in the courts. But justice is not done. To give you an instance of this, two soldiers were shot at Brenham, Tex., about two months ago. They were unarmed, and offered no provocation. The grand jury could find no bill against their would be assassins, but found a bill against Brevet Major Smith, Seventeenth Infantry, for burglary, because he broke into the house of some citizens, in his attempt to arrest these men. My own opinion is that the trial of a white man for the murder of a freedman in Texas would be a farce, and in making this statement I make it because truth compels me, and for no other reason.

During the last six months Indian depredations have taken place on the remote frontier. Their extent is not definedy are not very alarming, and I think that the governor has, to some extent, been influenced by exaggerated reports, gotten up in some instances by frontier people to get a market for their produce, and in other instances by army contractors to make money. I have ordered two regiments of cavalry to the frontier and placed a regiment of infantry at Austin, to be moved if necessary. It is strange that over a white man killed by Indians on an extensive frontier the greatest excitement will take place, but over the killing of many freedmen in the settlements nothing is done. I cannot help but see this, and I cannot help but tell it to my superiors, no matter how unpleasant it may be to the authorities of Texas. I will establish the frontier posts in Texas in the early spring. It was not done heretofore on account of having no available regular troops, and to have attempted it with volunteer troops, desirous of