affirmed by all branches of the United States Government they are of necessity subordinated to the military authority. These principle, I think are the law of the case. The question of policy in the application of them is one of more serious and doubtful nature. I am fully satisfied that the present legislature is entirely useless, very expensive, and liable to do serous harm by its legislation. So far in a long session (since October last) they have neither prepared nor passed any laws of general public interest nor inaugurated any measures for the public good. It would be an infinite relief to all parties if they would adjourn. All the money in hand having long since been paid out, they are simply increasing public debts, and are offering their own pay warrants on the streets at 20 cents on the dollar. Many grossly unnecessary offices at large salaries are kept up. It is important to my mind that the free constitution shall be considered adopted and of force; that for purposes of the form of State government the executive and judicial State offices should remain, but the legislature is wholly and absolutely useless now. It appears very clear that the present anomalus state of things should not continue. Either the State should be sustained in full force, vigor, and independent life, free from interference and control on the part of the military officers, and without any responsibility on the part of the United States for their action, or the supremacy of the executive through the military commanders should be plainly and distinctly understood. The first course involves the surrender to the State authorities of the city of new Orleans, now held as from the first by military officials, and as a matter of course the election of charter officers under the forms of law. I regret to state that I do not consider the thing safe to be done at present. I do not think that the electors of New Orleans are to be trusted with this franchise; in addition, the enormous increase of exp- payers deserves consideration. So in the parishes, there are very few locations where peace and good order can be preserved and the rights of the emancipated laborer protected, except by military intervention. I am reluctantly forced to believe that with two- thirds of the territory of the State under rebel jurisdiction, with the Trans- Mississippi army quartered at Shreveport and Alexandria, with unnumbered rebel sympathizers within our lines, with constant communication through our lines under cotton permits and otherwise, with our forces within the State depleted to the last degree by the Mobile expedition, it is unsafe for the Government to permit the exercise of the functions of sovereignty by the people of Louisiana under their State government. The new governor, J. Madison Eells, seems disposed to consult with the military authorities on all matters of moment, and is endeavoring to root out the corruptions engendered by these times. In every respect in which he has called for assistance from me it has been granted readily and willingly, and always will be. I have once before adverted to the peculiar situation of the tax- paying population here. The real and personal estate of known rebels has been seized by the Government, and the burden of taxation therefore falls on the loyal or at least the quiet. Three years' State taxes are now called for, to be collected at once. The United States direct tax is being collected. Local assessment for various causes, for levees, &c., and other purposes, swell the list, and I am unable to see how this impoverished and broken people are to meet these demands. Hence the necessity of the most- rigid economy, the abolition of useless offices, and the simplification oft he machinery of government. This thing has not been done, but the contrary rather by this experimental body. If the officers of the army have no responsibility