did my best. How I succeeded you will find by reference to a copy of The propositions themselves, which I have The honor to transmitting herewith. Permit me to say that they were hurriedly drawn, yet drawn with en eye special to President Lincoln's proclamations, and to what I interpret as a prevalent sentiment of The Northern people. I was careful not to assume authorization or to commit The Government in any manner. The propositions are only offered as a basis of settlement, as an invitation to further and formal negotiations. They are addressed to The Confederate military authorities as The only ones now existing in The Trans-Mississippi region who on their side have any power and upon whom all responsibility is at present resting.

To satisfy military pride The propositions assume The settlement to be voluntary on The part of The rebels. To save military honor they are drawn with an intent to cover all classes of persons whose welfare and security and supposed to be in The keeping of The said authorities. To soldiers and citizens they offer The alternatives: If you wish to remain in The United States to become citizens, you must take The oath of allegiance; if you do not desire to become citizens again, you are at liberty to go abroad with your property. To get their consent to consider their confiscation of property of Union men void, it is proposed that The United States shall not undertake further to execute The confiscation laws of The Federal Congress. So far as we are concerned, you will observe, this would operate prospectively, not retrospectively; in other words, confiscations by our courts had to this time would remain in force. Fortunately, it is well known that in The Trans-Mississippi States, while there have been many seizures and occupations of The property of rebels, there have been but few, if any, final confiscations by judicial decrees. In reference to slave property, both General Slaughter and Colonel Ford admitted that as a value it had ceased to be of great importance. The only condition they talked about respecting it was, that as its abolition was inevitable The interests of The negro, as well as The necessities of The people of these States, required The adoption of a system of gradual emancipation. I had not difficulty, consequently, in getting them to accept for The present a general reference of The subject to our Congress. This reference, you will please observe, involves not a question about abolition, but simply such questions as whether The abolition shall be gradual or immediate, and whether it shall be with or without compensation.

It may be well for me to remark here that no doubt The rebel authorities will interpret The permission proposed to be given those of their people who may choose to go abroad to make preparations for departure, to include The right to sell their slaves or take them away out of The country. I submit it to our authorities whether such an interpretation may not be granted. Practically The grand result will not be affected. They cannot carry a slave to a foreign country where his freedom will not be assured; neither will a sale now retard The inevitable liberation. Emancipation will be as certain to find The property in The hands of one man as in those of another. Is The concession of any actual materiality? It only remains for me to inform you that General Slaughter and Colonel Ford received The propositions and undertook to forward them immediately to General Walker, commanding The State of Texas, and to General Kirby Smith. Colonel Ford is to take them in person, and as he is politically The most influential Confederate soldier in Texas that fact gives me additional confidence. He will go first to Galveston, where, according to The understanding, I am in a few days to follow him. Secrecy is for The present as much required on their part as