that he had not written or received any communications to or from any of his friends now living in the South or verbally sent any communication to any of them; that he would not take oath of allegiance to the Federal Government of the United States; that he would take the oath of allegiance to support the Confederate States Government so called were he called upon to do so, and would be proud to be called a rebel under the present existing circumstances.

In a note to the Secretary of War dated January 29 Dundas says that he told the authorities of the provost-marshal's office that he would not take the oath of allegiance, and does not see why a man should be taken from his family at night ad be made to take an oath which he had taken before-that is to support the Constitution of the United States, and that he is willing to take the oath the second time. He also says that if he had told the officers he was a Democrat he would have been taken for as good as a rebel, and consequently he told them he was a rebel to wind up his statement of the case. not content with this lame and prevaricating management of his own case he takes up the vindication of a fellow-prisoner and kindred spirit named Isaac Ballenger whom he has met with in prison, and of whose case he can know nothing except what he has ascertained in secret conclave and rebel communion in the Old Capitol. This Ballenger as will be seen by a report accompanying this is a violet secessionist who undertook to cross our lines into the rebel States in a surreptitious manner and was only arrested by the vigilance of our solders on the outposts.

Here we have the case of a sprig of would-be nobility suspected of disloyal practices but claiming to be "a gentleman of means" (to use his own language) with a right to go where he pleased night or day without being questioned by common soldiers on duty. When challenged by the sentinels of the U. S. Army picketed around the national capital day and night, through sunshine and storm, the faithful guardians of their country's honor and integrity, he has invariably thrown himself upon his dignity, insulted them to their faces and defied them to arrest him.

After his arrest under the most suspicious circumstances, relying upon the power and influence of his patrimonial wealth acquired from the patronage of the Federal Government, he has refused to take oath of allegiance after having by his own acts compromised his position; has acknowledged fealty to the Confederate Government and has gloried in being called a rebel. All this has been done after plenty of time for reflection after the excitement naturally attending his arrest.

In his prevaricating note to the Secretary of War after nearly three months' confinement he but superciliously insults the intelligence of that Department while calling into question the common sense and honesty of this office. He says that he does not see why a man should be taken from his family at night and be made to take an oath which he had taken before-that is to support the Constitution of the United States; that he is willing to take the same oath again, &c.

It was under very different circumstances than being taken from his family at night that he expressed his unwillingness to take the oath of allegiance at this office. He here said nothing about having previously taken the oath even to support the Constitution of the United States and a proposition to have taken the same oath again with the "mental reservations" that he would be likely to make would hardly have been satisfactory.

He also says that if he had told the officers [at the provost-marshal's office] that he was a Democrat he would have been taken for as good

14 R R-SERIES II, VOL II