[Numbers 5.]

CONSTITUTIONALIST OFFICE,

Augusta, Ga., October 11, 1860.

S. J. ANDERSON, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR: * * * I should be glad to hear * * * whether you consider the vote in Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana as conclusive of the triumph of Lincoln in those States next month. Your opinion on these points has weight here, and our friends would be much gratified to hear the results of your calm judgment. People here are startled, perplexed and anxious at the prospect now staring them in the face of Lincoln's election. There is a deep-seated determination with many, and influential people too, to bring about a disruption in that event and they will be certain at least to do enough to create a great deal of commotion. This election will immensely increase the disunion sentiment of this section.

Yours,

JAMES GARDNER.

[Numbers 6.]

JAMESTOWN, GA., December 1, 1860.

S. J. ANDERSON, Esq.

DEAR SAM: * * * You say when you wrote your last letter you was somewhat waspish and that my reply looked that way too. This I think is true of us both and all I will say in justification of myself is that whenever I am told that the conservatism of Northern Democracy is all the South has to look to for her protection I simply know that it is not so, never was and never will be. But I am like Governor [Herschell V.] Johnson, I am willing to let the dead bury their dead and let bygones be bygones. I am willing to let the old party names and lines be obliterated forever with the hope of drawing together the honest of all old parties North and South in one common cause to the rescue of the whole country. On this point I will not enlarge.

You say that you and Stephens were antagonistic on the subject of separate secession. I never differed with him. If he was all the time in favor of making resistance in the Union step by step as proposed by the Georgia platform of 1850 I was never otherwise but with him. I am for co-operation of the Southern States, and when the first Northern State (Massachusetts) passed her law repudiating the fugitive slave law I held then as I do now that Governor Brown, of Georgia, in obedience to authority given him by the Georgia legislature (which I thought to be in exact conformity with the Georgia platform) should then and there have called the legislature together to take measures of redress and pass laws of retaliation after proper negotiations had failed and been refused and unheeded, but he did not do it. He refused to do it and I placed him and his immediate counselors then where I think they will be found now-make a big smoke when there is some one who can't help seeing it but when it is sifted there will be but little fire of the right kind found in it.

Now for Stephens' speech at Milledgeville. I approve every word of it touching our Federal relations; believe that every emasure and mode of redress suggested the very best that can be done. It is what ought to be done, and I will sustain so far as I can Stephens or any other leader in this case irrespective of party names. And like you I think it is the highest evidence of a great mind and a thoroughly qualified