of the people of England, and that in this respect Lois Napoleon represents the people of France. I do not fear for the decision of the Emperor Napoleon on this question of interanational law. But suppose the legal question should be decided by France against us. Such a decision would be fraught with consequences of no permanent injury to our country.

In the wars of Europe, which are the great wars of the world, we have been heretofore and must most probably hereafter be neutrals only, and whatever decision enlarges the rights and privileges of neutrals must necessarily be permanently advantageous to our country. There is no humilation in submitting this question of international law to the arbitrament of Russia and France or either of those powers. It is just such a question as properly can be submitted to such an umpirage, and especially in this case where by our act by failing to bring in the vessel as a prize we haveourselves intercepted and preventeda a judicial decision.

This Southern rebellion must be crushed or our country may be forever ruined; and those who innecessarily wheel Enliance with the Southern rebellion aredisunionists and tratitors. In vain may they seize the present moment to escape the terrible responsibility by raising the war cry against England. If as the cosequence the Southern Confederacy aided by the English alliance should establish their Government on the ruins of the Union and of our country, the statesmen who for want of firmness and courage shall have subjected us to such a calamity will meet the execrations of the American people and of the friends of liberty throughout the world and will join the wretched caravan of infamy of which Buchanan is at present the only leader. Having doomed our country to destruction they will meet whilst living the curses of a ruined people and history an posterity will doom them to enternal disgrace.

I am quiter sure that the President and yourself and every member of the Cabinet are stimulated by the sole desire to suppress this rebellion and restore the Union, and therefore I cannot doubt that your will manfully and courageously resist any possible temporary popular clamor and redeem the country from the terrible dangers with which we are now environed. Rest assured that when a few weeks or months have passed away and reason, not even now dethroned, shall have fully resumed her empire the popular clamor will be infinitely more intense and universal against those who would destroy the Union by involving us at this time unnecessarily in war with England.

If we should propose that France or Russia should decide this question of international law England will not dare to reject the umpirage; for to do so sould be most seiously to offend those countries, to subject herself to the reprobation of the whole civilized world, to overthrow her cabinet and perhaps her Government. Settle thus this question and the last hope of the Southern rebellion is extinguished, and we can then adopt such such policy as regards all the forfeited property and rights of rebels (including slaves) as will be best calculated to bring the wnd successful conclusion.

You may read this letter to the President and Cabinet or publish it when you think proper, although I think its immediate publication would be unwise. The fact that the fate of our country may now be any portion of your valuable time.

With great regard, your obedient servant,

R. J. WALKER.