been overdone and must have ceased to yield any returns had it been continued longer on the former scale.

Such being the ruined condition of the old programme it has been found necessary to direct attention to the preparation of something new. The chief support of the latest schemes is to be traced to the supposed policy of the Emperor of the French. It is believed here that he has already made overtures to the British Government to enter a protest against the blokade as in manner and substance too cruelly effective in some respects and very ineffective in others. It is at he begins to consider it time to agitate the subject of recognition of the Confederate States. I cannot say that the evidence that has been furnished to me on these points is entirely satisfactory, but it is sufficiently so to make it my duty to mention it. Doubtless your sources of information in Paris will give you more precise knowledge of the truth than I can do here.

My main purpose in alluding to it is to call your attention to a singular development made of the policy acopted by the Confederate emissaries here with a view to fortify the movement of their allies in this country. The substance of it has been disclosed by a publication in the Edinburg Scotsman, a well-conducted paper whose sources of information I have heretofore found to be good. I take from its issue on Saturday last, the 11th of January, the following extract:

There exist in London an active and gowing party including many members of Parliament having for its object an immediate recognition of the Southern Confederacy on certain understood terms. This party is in communication with the quasi representatives of the South in London and gives out that it seems its was to a disirable arrangement. Our information is that the South acting through its London agents is at least willing to have it understood that in consideration of immediate recognition and the disregard of the paper blocade it would engage for these three things: A treaty of free trade, the prohibition of all import of slaves, and the freedom of all blacks born hereafter. It will easily be seen that if any such terms were offered (but we hesitate to believe that last of them) a pressure in favor of the South will come upon the British Government from more than one formidable section of our public.

I have reason for believing that some such project as this has been actually entertained by the Confederate emissaries. The pressure of the popular feeling against slaverly is so great here that their friends feel it impossible to hope to stem it without some suh plea in extenuation as can be made out of an offer to do something for ultimate emancipation.

Of course no man acquainted with the true state of things in America can believe for an instant the existence of one particle of good faith in any profession of thinks kind that may be contenanced by the rebel emissaries here. But I have thought it might not be without its use to recommend that the fact of their sanction of such an agitation should be made know pretty generally in the United States especially among the large class of the friends of the Union in the border States.

If the issue of this contest is to be emancipation with the aid of Great Britain surely the object ebellion against our Government was initiated-the protection and perpetuation of slavery-ceases to be a motive for resisting it further.

If the course of the emissaries here be unauthorized it ought to be exposed here to destroy all further confidence in them. If on the contrary if be authorized it should be equally exposed to the people in the slave-holding States. In either event the eyes of he people both in Europe and America will be more effectually opened to a conviction of the nature and certain consequence of this great struggle.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.