the friend of Breckinridge and Burnett during the session of Congress in July and counseled with them. I recall these matters partly to prove F. Wood's traitorous sympathies, and partly to show you that they being known South the enemy there receive substantial aid and comfort from his attacks on the Government. He is a natural conspirator, this, spare Cassius" with "lean and hungry look," and if he has not kept up correspondence with the leaders of this unnatural and atrocious rebellion the only reason for his abstinence lies in apprehension for his personal safety.

Yet out of the fullness of the heart the mouth will speak and on Wednesday night it had its overflow, and if you do not arrest and imprison him for his treasonable sentiments so openly and boldly expressed I can only say that you will make a mistake which by and by you will have cause to regret. The general expression yesterday in this city was one of denunciation, and the general hope that when the sun set on Fort Lafayette Fernando Wood would be within its walls.

You can not have any doubt that there was an arranged scheme here last spring on the part of Wood and others to detach this city from the support of the Government. The sudden and unexpected popular demonstrations in its favor drove these traitors for a time from their purpose, but I have no idea that they have abandoned it. They only wait for one of those lulls or changes in the aura popularis which almost always occur in long wars to renew and attempt their project. On Wednesday night Wood chose his ground judiciously and prepared it well for the seed-a German gathering, sprinkled with a showed of popular rights peculiarly Teutonic. That soil will grow the seed unless you bind the sower.

Yours, truly,

JOHN E. DEVELIN.

[Inclosure.]

FELLOW-CITIZENS: I appear before you to-night not with the intention of pleasing your ears with fine words, not to indulge in eloquence, but to talk a ittle common sense to you. [Cheers and cries of "Good for you. "] I have ever regretted any attempt to continue distinctive nationalities and national prejudices. I have always held and believed that when once the man merged into the citizen he merged his nationality, and he became as it were dissolved into the general community without any other appelation, rights or privileges than those which appertained to every other man in the community. [Cheers.] While, however, it was the duty of men to support the Government they had a perfect constitutional right to criticise the acts of the Government and the laws under which they lived. The people of New York had been deprived of their rights. The city unlike that of free Hamburg possesses no municipal rights whatever. The naked fact is that if these oppressive act had been submitted to the people for ratification they would unanimously reject them.

There is in the legislature at Albany a great prepondering power over us, exercised by men too in every sense of the word foreign to us, and opposed to us in every element and every characteristic which goes to make a great and free people. These men we find make laws for our government while they take care that these same laws shall be inoperative as against themselves. [Cheers and "That' so. "] We have no longer the right to make our own laws. We have no longer the right to tax ourselves. We must ask permission of the legislature at Albany. We have been deprived of the right to appoint our own