I ought to premise, perhaps, why I interfere where it is not specially within my command. Believing that I could do something for the good of service, I took the liberty of making the application, and, with your leave, shall continue to make suggestions wherever and whenever I think the Government may be aided by so doing, although not strictly called upon so to do, to complete my routine of duty.

I am informed and believe that the rebel authorities will exchange every officer and soldier they now hold in custody, whether colored or not, upon receiving an equivalent number and rank from us.

Indeed, I can put no other interpretation upon the letter of Robert Ould, esq., agent of exchange at Richmond, of October 20, referring to a letter of a previous date, in which he says:

More than a month ago I asked your acquiescence in a proposition that all officers and soldiers on both sides should be released in conformity with the provisions of the cartel.

I have forwarded copies of all the correspondence so that you can refer to it. If there is any interpretation to the contrary it is not made apparent to the country, and the Government, for all that appears from the correspondence between the two commissioners, are now suffering our soldiers to be starved to death upon the proposition of inequality in the computation and value of paroles. If you will examine the correspondence it will be sent that the whole question turns upon that point; not a suggestion is made that color, caste, or condition has anything to do with the dispute.

It would seem that the discussion had grown sufficiently acrimonious to have lost sight of the point of dispute, as we know many discussions do.

I do not mean to impute blame to any party, because I am to sufficiently informed, nor have I the authority so to do, but simply to suggest a remedy.

I assume that we have in actual custody some 26,000 prisoners, against 13,000 that the rebels have. Now, then, why may not Ould's proposition be accepted and exchange man for man, officers for officer, until the rebels stop; it then every prisoner they hold has been exchanged, the question of color does not arise and our men will have been relieved from starvation up to that number. But if the colored prisoners and their officers shall not be produced by the rebels for exchange, we shall have 10,000 of their men upon whom to work both retaliation and reprisal to the fullest to wring from the rebels justice to the colored soldier.

It is not necessary to argue this point; its statement is the argument. This action, not offers and correspondence, will place the Government right before the country, and if then the negro prisoners, whether civilians or soldiers, or their officers, are kept in prison or maltreated, the world will justify us in the reprisal and retaliation to any extent. I believe that this exchange will be made by the rebels, from information derived from various sources, and especially from Mr. I. W. monfort, agent of the State of Indiana, who has gone to Washington, and from whom you can learn the facts that lead to my belief.

Without suggesting any blame upon the part of the agent of exchange, would not the fact seem to be that such a state of feeling has grown up between himself and the rebel agent, that, without doing anything which would impute wrong or detract from the appreciation of the efforts of General Meredith, this might be done as if outside of either agent?