laid to my charge was words of criticism of the public policy of the Administration, addressed to open and public political meetings of my fellow-citizens of Ohio, lawfully and peaceably assembled. And to-day my only "crime" is, that in the way which they call treason worship I the Constitution of my fathers. ["Good!" Applause.] But now for more than one year no public man has been arrested and no newspaper suppressed within the States adhering still to the Union for the expression of public opinion, while hundreds in public assembly and through the press have, with a license and violence in which I never indulged, criticized and condemned the acts and policies of the Administration, and denounced the war, maintaining even the propriety and necessity of the recognition of Southern independence. Indorsed by nearly two hundred thousand freemen of the Democratic party of my native State in the late election, and still with the sympathy, thank God, and support of millions more, men, women, and children, I do not mean any longer to be the only man of that party who is to be the victim of arbitrary power. ["Good!" Applause. "That's the way!" "We'll all back you!" "Stick it out!"] If Abraham Lincoln seeks my life, let him so declare; but he shall not again so restrain me of my personal liberty, except upon "due process of law. " [Applause.]

The unconstitutional and monstrous Order 38, under which alone I was arrested thirteen months ago, was defied and spit upon at your State convention of 1863 by the gallant gentleman who bore the standard as your candidate for lieutenant-governor, and by every Democratic press and public speaker ever since. It is dead. From the first it was against the Constitution and laws, and without validity, and all proceedings under it were and are utterly null and void and of no effect. The indignant voice of condemnation long since went forth from the vast majority of the people and presses of America, and from all free countries in Europe with entire unanimity. And more recently, too, the platform of an earnest, numerous, and most formidable convention of the sincere Republicans, and still further, the emphatic letter of acceptance by the candidate of that convention, General John C. Freemont, the first candidate, also, of the Republican party for the Presidency eight years ago, when the rallying cry was "Free speech and a free press," give renewed hope that at last the reign of arbitrary power is about to be brought to an end in the United States. It is neither just nor fit, therefore, that the wrongs inflicted under General Order 38 and the other edicts and acts of such power should any longer be endured. Certainly not by me alone. ["Not a minute!"] But every ordinary means of redress has first been exhausted, yet either by the direct agency of the Administration and its subordinates, or through its influence or intimidation, or because of want of jurisdiction in the civil courts to meet a case which no American ever in former times conceived to be possible here, all have failed. Counsel applied in my behalf to an unjust judge for the writ of habeas corpus. It was denied; and now the privilege of that writ is suspended by act of Congress and Executive order in every State. The Democratic convention of Ohio one year ago, by a resolution formally presented through a committee of your best and ablest men in person at Washington, demanded of the President, in behalf of a very large minority of the people, a revocation of the edict of banishment. Pretending that the public safety then required it, he refused, saying at the same time that "it would afford him pleasure to comply as soon as he could by any means be made to believe that the public safety would not suffer by it. " One year has elapsed, yet this hollow pretense is