for the Presidency a general of their forces, besieging our national capital. Here, however, the parallel, as regards the subjects of the present application, and many others, ceases to be applicable. The affrenata audacia of Catiline impelled him to the field of battle, where fighting he perished. But many of the most conspicuous of these modern conspirators - and this was especially true of Yulee and Mallory, either from intense selfishness or an impregnable caution - seem to have shrunk away from the bloody conflicts of the war in which they had so eagerly involved the deluded States and people they represented. Of the political history of these parties subsequent to the initiation of the rebellion little need be said. Of the details of the career of Yulee this Bureau has but slight information. Mallory, however, as is well known, held for a long period the office of Secretary of the Naby under Davis in the rebel administration. Allison, as has been perceived, was a senator in the Legislature of Florida after its secession, and was but lately acting Governor of the State. He has been a prominent agent in protracting the rebellion in his locality, and from his high official position has maintained the right of a State to defy the General Government. It may here be added that the perfidy and falsehood which inevitably attend treason are well illustrated in the case of Yulee in his personal written application for clemency to the President, which, with other papers heretofore filed with the Attorney-General, has been exhibited to me during the preparation of this report. In the course of this application, ignorant that his letter of 5th January, 1861, was in the hands of the Government, he has the effrontery to state as follows:

I can truly say I did not leave my seat in the Congress of the United States to aid the rebbelion. This is sufficiently proven by the circumstance that I did not, in fact, aid it, having taken no part in the formation nor conduct of the Confederate organization. I withdrew not in the spirit of rebellion, nor with the expectation of a conflict of force, but solely, as before said, from the motive of obedience to the will of my State, and in the sincere expectation and hope of a peaceful solution of the unhappy issue by an ultimate convention of the States, or some other mode of arrangement between them.

Again he says:

I did not advise nor stimulate secession of the State, considering that in so responsible a step each citizen should act accoring to his own unbiased judgment.

In view of this deliberate falsification, and in view, in the case of Mallory, of the fact that he consented to hold for so long a time and up to se recent a period a most prominent position in the administration of Davis, the declaration of these men, contained in their communications addressed to the President and others, found among the papers referred to, to the effect that they now freely acquisce in the principles of national union and human freedom established in our political system by the downfall of the rebellion, cannot but the received with suspicion and distrust. Such words coming up from the prisons to which these men have justly consigned, may, considering their past history, be accepted as spoken rather in their own personal interest than in the interests of truth or of the Government, whose policy and principles they so lately assailed and insulted. At all events, such lanuguage cannot be reveived as any expiationof the crimes of which they are known to be guilty. It must thus be most clear, not only that the claim of these applicants to clemency is wholly unqorthy to be entertained for a moment, but that the only action appropriate to their case would be their arraignment and trial upon an indictment for high treason. Indeed, a stronger case of tresonable conspiracy could not well be