and bushwhackers, whereby a change of public opinion was brought about. Most of those who had suffered by the rebellion began to dislike, and then most strenuously opposed, an institution that had been the source of all their trials. Thus, when in the fall of 1862 the said convention ordained the election of a new Legislature, a majority of emancipationists were chosen to both houses. Till then Governor Gamble had declared, and by his actions shown, himself inimical to all attempts at emancipation. The loyal people submitted to his administration as a matter of course; but many complained of the unnecessary prolongation of this provisional government, contending that together with the new Legislature also the State officers might and should have been elected by the people. I will not deny that in some of our public papers such harsh words as usurpation disregard of the people's rights, &c., were used, although a resort to violent resistance was seriously contemplated by no one.

The effects of all this were twofold. Governor Gamble, a naturally timid man, yielded somewhat to the demands of the progressive party and come out in his message to the new General Assembly as an advocate of gradual and compensated emancipation, while at the same time he threw a strong dislike and full distrust upon that same party, representing them to the Federal Government as a faction of revolutionists, removing unceremoniously the so-called radicals from all offices within his gift and replacing them by men of his own way of thinking, in many cases by former disloyalists who had succeeded in ingratiating themselves with him. The best and most energetic officers of the enrolled and State militia, the ablest provost-marshals, &c., were dismissed to make room for men whom the loyal mass neither liked nor confided in. This was a sad mistake, the more to be pitied as also General Schofield appears to have taken the same view, carrying out the same policy. It may truly be said that the sympathizers had all their own way in Missouri all the while.

The General Assembly, willing to comply with the recommendations of Governor Gamble, tried to agree on some plan of emancipation, but all in vain, partly because Congress failed to make the necessary appropriation for compensating the slave-owners, partly because the friends of a very gradual emancipation, reaching beyond the limits of the present centrum, united with the pro-slavery men in defeating all measures of a more speedy settlement of the question, which, however, the condition of the State and the already complete demoralization of the institution seemed to demand. Thereupon Governor Gamble and his friends determined to take the matter into their own hands; the old convention was convoked again, and the influence of the administration was throng enough to bring about two principal measures-first, to secure to slavery a continuance of thirteen years and more, called gradual emancipation; and, second, to prolong the provisional government to the end of 1864, though in November last an election for judges of the supreme court was to [be] held, and thus again an opportunity given to the people to elect also a regular State government.

Not long after a mass meeting was held at Jefferson City (in last September), in which the action of the said convention and of the provisional government was strongly reprobated and a committee appointed to inform President Lincoln of the actual condition of Missouri, and to desire the removal of General Schofield (the Lawrence horrors were then quite new). What President Lincoln did not then see he found to be true afterward. The November election