this complicity into the form of an organized government in seven States, and up to this moment nothing has been done to check its progress or prevent its being regarded, either at home or abroad, as a successful revolutioin. Every hour of acquiescene in this condition of things, and especially every new conquest made by the rebels, strenghtens their hands at home and their claim to recognition as an independent people abroad. It has from the begining and still is treated practically as a lawful proceeding, and the honest and Union loving people in those States must, by a continuance of this policy, become reconciled to the new government and, though founded in wrong, come to regard it as rightful government. I, in common with all my associates in your council, agree that we must look to the people of these States for the overthrow of this rebellion, and that it is proper to exercise the powers of the Federal Government only so far as to maintain its authority to collect the revenue and maintain possession of the public property in the States, and that this should be done with as little blodshed as possible. How is this to be carried into effect? That it is by measures which will inspire respect for the power of the Government and the firmness of those who administer it does not admit of debate. It is obvius that rebellion was cy the promoptitude of the President in taking measures which made it manifest that it could not be attempted with impunity and that ithas grown to its present formidable proportions only because similar measures were not taken.

The action of the President in 1833 inspired respect, whilst in 1860 the rebels were encouraged by the contempt they felt for the incumbent of the Presidency. But it was not alone upon Mr. Buchaznnan's weakness the rebels relied for success. They for the most part believe that the Northern men are deficient in the courage necessary to maintain the Government. It is this prevalent error in the South which induces so large a portion of the people there to suspect the good faith of the people of the North and enables the demagogues so successfully to inculcate the notion that the object of the Northern people is to abolish slavery and make the negroes the equals of the whites. Doubting the manhood of Northern men they discredit their disclaimers of this purpose to humiliate and injure them. Nothing would so surely gain credit for such disclaimers as the manifestation of resolution on the part of the President to maintain the lawful authority of the nation. No men or people have so many difficulties as those whose firmness is doubted. The evacuation of Fort Sumter when it is known that it can be provisioned and manned will convince the rebels that the administration lacks firmenss, and will, therefore, tend more than any event that has hapopend to embolen them, and so far from tending to prevent collision will linsure it unless all the other forts are evacuated and all attempts are given up to maintain the authority of the United States. Mr. Buchanan's policy has, I think, rendered collision almost inevitable and a continuance of that policy will not only bring it about but will go far to produce a permanent division of the Union. This is manifestly the public judgment, which is much more to be relied on than that of any individual. I believe that Fort Sumter may be provisioney Captain Fox with little risk, and General Scott's opinion that with its war complement there is no force in South Carolina which can take it renders it almost certain that it will not then be attempted. This would completely demoralize the rebellion. The impotent rage of he rebels and the outburst of patriotic feeling which would follow this achievement would initiate a reactionary movement throughout the South which would speedily overwhelm the