should set the example. I shall write my views and opinions fully to Governor Brown on this subject, and hope that that State whose example did so much to persuade this State into the revolution will not be the first to forsake her. The letter to Governor Brown I send by Colonel Mullins, unsealed, that you may peruse it, and will be glad if it meets your approbation.* The great evil of desertion is one that has engaged my attention for the past two years. There are enough soldiers absent from their commands without leave to render the armies of the Confederacy irresistible and triumphant if they were all returned. How can this be done? I invite your earnest attention to the subject, and would gladly hear any further suggestions you may have to offer thereon. It is certainly worthy of the highest efforts of statesmanship. Referring you again for particulars to Colonel Mullins, and assuring you of my hearty concurrence and earnest co-operation in your efforts for the common good,

I am, Governor, very respectfully, yours,

Z. B. VANCE.

[47.]

STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA, EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,

Raleigh, January 18, 1865.

Governor J. E. BROWN:

GOVERNOR: The present condition of affairs makes it proper that I should again seek communication with my brother Governors for the purpose of mutual counsel and assistance. The march of Sherman through Georgia, his threatened advance through South Carolina, and the recent disasters involved in the defeat of General Hood and the fall of the principal defensive work of Wilmington, have resuscitated the desire of a State convention for vague and indefinable purposes. I do not think, however, that a convention can be called in North Carolina unless your State should lead in the movement, and I see many indications of such an intention among your people. I suppose you are aware of my opinions in regard to the danger of such a movement. I expressed them to you by letter last spring, and had the happiness to receive your concurrence in my conclusions then. I regard it as simply another revolution, and by which we would incur not only the danger attendant upon a disunited confederation, but also of domestic strife and bloodshed, for I have no idea that a severance of our existing relations could possibly be so unanimously effected as to prevent a considerable minority, backed by the army, from inaugurating a state of anarchy more horrible than anything we have yet endured or may expect to endure. Judging by my own people, I regard such a deplorable result as morally certain. It seems to me that the State governments thourgh their Executives and Legislatures will have all the necessary moral weight and can accomplish every desired object short of revolution, and that by calling a convention we can have no other object in view except revolution. I frankly confess to you that I regard it our chief aim at this time to hold the demoralized and trembling fragments of society and law together and preropping to pieces until the rapidly hastening end of our struggle shall be developed. To do this is not only humane and in every respect our duty, but also puts off the evil day and keeps us in position to take advantage of any fortunate circumstance tending to redeem our losses, to

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* See next, post.

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