were availing yourself of your military command to engage in mercantile speculation, and had already made considerable shipments North on private account. I think in the duty of a faithful friend to mention this, that you may be on your guard, if need be, against the appearance of evil. I was very sorry to see that you though it necessary to punish those thieves with death. It is a dreadful penally for such offenders, but you would not, I know, have sanctioned its infliction if the circumstances did not demand it.

It is quite plain that you doe not find it so easy to deal with the contraband question as at Fortress Monroe. Of course until the Government shall adopt a settled policy the commanding general will be greatly embarrassed by it. In my judgment it is indispensable to fix upon some principle and abide by it. Until long after Sumber I clung to my old ideas of non-interference with slavery within State limits of the National Government. It was my hope and belief that the rebellion might be suppressed and slavery left to the free disposition of the States within which the institution existed. By them I thought it certain that the removal of the institution would be gradually effected without shock or disturbance or injury, but peacefully and beneficially. But the civil war was protracted far beyond my anticipation, and with the postponement of decisive results came increased bitterness and intensfield alienation of nearly the entire white population of the slave States. With this state of facts came the conviction to my mind that the restoration of the old Union with slavery untouched, except by the mere weakening effects of the war, was impossible. Looking attentively at the new state of things, I became satisfied that the great majority of the people of the United States had made up their minds that the constitutional supremacy of the National Government should be vindicated and the territorial integrity of the country be maintained, come and go what might. I became satisfied, also, that to insure the accomplishment of these great objects slavery must go. That the United States Government under the war power might destroy slavery I never doubted. I only doubted the expediency of the exercise. When I saw that to abstain from military interference with slavery was simply to contribute the whole moral and physical power of the Government to the subjugation of some 4,000,000 of loyal people to save 300,000 disloyal rebels, that doubt was gone.

In my judgment, the military order of Hunter should have been sustained. The President, who is as sound in head as he is excellent in heart, thought otherwise, and I, as in duty bound, submit my judgment to his. The language of the President's proclamation, however, clearly shows that his mind is not finally decided. It points to a contingency in which he may recognize the same necessity. My conviction is that that contortunes so great do not occur as to overthrow all anticipations.

Meanwhile, my dear general, I trust you will so proceed as you begun. Let it be understood that you are no proslavery man. Let all be done that can be done for the loyal people, of whatever condition or complexion. Let nothing be done against them - nothing which can contribute in any degree to uphold either rebellion or despotism. Permit me to commend to your support and confidence my two special agents, Messrs. Denison and Bonzano, and to express the hope that they may be useful to your arduous duties.

Yours, most faithfully,

S. P. CHASE.