until you can procure a purer one. Again, you state that my decision 'says, in substance, violate the laws of the United States as well as you can; send abroad all the produce of the Confederate States you can, to be converted into arms for the rebellion. You are only liable to the risk of losing in transitu; and,as the profits are fourfold, you can afford so to do, for it is solemnly decided that in all this there is no personal delictum, for which you can or ought to be punished even by a fine; and if you are, the fine shall be returned."

Your patriotism, general, and your love of satire, as Sir William Jones said of the learning of Lord Coke, are so exuberant that in this instance they have boiled over and produced but a frothy conceit. Have I said that these parties, if they had been convicted of a crime, ought not to be punished? I have not seen any evidence of a personal crime, or of any offense other than the violation of the recent blockade. My patriotism (I am sure you will not consider me as presumptuous in saying so) is as pure and disinterested as your own. We are both laboring in our several spheres to bring the rebellion to an end. We both alike look with solicitude to that result, and are ready to give our whole time to its attainment. Either of us would scorn himself could he be found offering" a premium for treasonable acts to traitors in the Confederate States." As a military man- "only a soldier"-the policy in cases of this king that you would adopt does not suit my old-fashioned notions of constitutional guarantees, early formed, and but confirmed with time, and now stronger than ever. I prefer to stand on the usages of our fathers, those champions of constitutional liberty who sacrificed fortune and life to secure it, rather than on the fitful, unregulated, unrestrained prompting of it, rather than on the fitful, unregulated, unrestrained prompting of military power. I believe that the Union can only be restored-certainly sooner restored-by regarding the landmarks of the Constitution, by observing and preserving the rights of the States and of individuals, and by forbearing to violate either upon any pretense of "military" or other "necessity." Let all loyal men as with one heart rally around the Government that has made us, until lately, the wonder and envy of the world (now only in an eclipse from traitorous ambition); support it in all its legitimate powers; restrain it, legally, in its occasional excess, and all will sooner or later be well, and this fair city- but recently a place of refinement, prosperity, and wealth never surpassed; at present, as is exhibited in its almost deserted streets, closed warehouses, and desponding citizens, impoverished almost to pauperism-will be restored to its former peace and happiness, and her citizens be found as of yore, knowing those of the loyal States only as brothers of a common country, and of a Union never again to be separated or disturbed by criminal ambitious artifice, but one in hope, in fortune, and in destiny.

I remain, with regard, yours, truly,

REVERDY JOHNSON,

Commissioner, &c.

U. S. COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE, Customhouse, New Orleans, July 26, 1862.

Lieutenant A. F. PUFFER,

Aide-de-Camp:

SIR: The box the major-general sent me a few days since contained amongst other things, the eighteen bonds of the cities of New Orleans