execute the draft. If General Fry will leave him alone, he will know how to obey the law of Congress and still not precipitate a draft and stop gaining men (which a draft is likely to do) at a time when by the voluntary action of the people we are so rapidly supplying the wants of the Army and making up our contingent of soldiers. My returns this morning show me that the average number who passed through the surgeon's hands at Faneuil Hall last week was sixty per day. And outside of that we gained more than an average of fifty per day. On Saturday night we were but 4,076 men short on all our quotas, including that of the last call of 200,000 made the 14th day of March. Besides this are other figures of which neither Major Clarke nor the adjutant-general had returns. And still further, there are the naval enlistments of which we have not the credits. At the recent and constant average rates of progress we are sure of being full and more than full inside of forty days more. Moreover, in the sense of stopping recruitment, I wish to treat the quotas of the State as never full while the war lasts, and I expect the Legislature will authorize me to continue to pay bounties after the present contingents are filled, and in anticipation or future calls. Having a clear opinion, shared by the mayor of Boston (where a large part of our present deficiency is), by the adjutant-general of Massachusetts, and by Major Clarke, the U. S. assistant provost-marshal-general, of what good sense and practical judgement require, it seems to me better that the Secretary of War and Provost-Marshal-General should quietly the men so much needed to be recruited, and suspend for draft temporarily, there being as we show sufficient legal reason, if they choose to avail of it, in the fact that the particulars needed for the basis of a correct draft are not entirely complete. In this connection let me call your attention to the point about the naval enlistments for which, under the act of February 24, 1864, we are entitled to the credit. Relying on the law, the local officers have paid their bounties and urged naval enlistments. The Navy was struggling hard for men, and we have helped it to them. The remark of Mr. Fox which you cited is not to the point. It is true, no doubt, that New York enlisted naval recruits, and what is more, os do we. And unless we are to be credited with them so much the worse for us. What we want is, that for the men whom we have put into the Navy, under the law and relying on the law, we may have the credit according to the law. The last call was made after the act of February 24, 1864. Our people have gone into the Navy, and our money has been paid out in bounties for naval recruits on the faith of that law by town officers. The State has voted $100 bounty besides. The men rely on our paying it to them, but we cannot get any credit for them, and have therefore no basis on which to pay this bounty, which is made payable to every man enlisted and credited, &c. Such things bring government into disrepute and prevent people from yielding compliance to it. They must be accidental and unintended, or else some one is intrusted with the direction of these details who is unfit for his functions. Will you be good enough to show this letter to Mr. Eliot and to any other of your members to whom you may think proper to exhibit it, as also the document accompanying. In view of the letter from Major Ruggles to Major Clarke, I am told by General Schouler that Major Clarke cannot credit the naval enlistments on the present draft and are putting their sailors into the Navy, as their only Yarmouth, for example, sent up four new names to-day. It has paid