the eagerness and unanimity with which the great powers have, while avoiding discussion of an act in conformity with her established usasges, urged us to yied in favor of neutral rights and thus secure Great Britain in her new position are significatn in my view of it of anything rather than sympathy for England or hostility to ourselves.

England can hardly congratulate herself upon this intervention, which indicates not alone a desire to secure a recognition of the more liberal extension of neutral rights, but a jealousy of an attent to cripple a power recognized as a necessary conterpoise in the world's affairs. The eargerness of the Government which ignoring it own precepts and belying its own exposed, and it is to be hoped will meet fitting retribution at home and abroad.

The sentiment is universal here that she will now failing in this pretext seek one upon the quiestion of the inefficiency of our blockade. I look to Parliament, public opinion and the success which I confidently expect we shall in the next thirty days have a tidings ofto squelch out our further attempt of a selfish and jealous governing class to destroy our power and check our development. The cry now sought to be raised about the vandalish up a port with hulks instead of bombarding and destroyein it and its inhabitants is in keeping with the whole transaction.

My opinion is our cause is at this day stronger in Europe than at any time before since the Bull Run affair.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

H. S. SANFORD.

U. S. LEGATION, The Hague, January 15, 1862.

Honorable WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State, Washington.

SIR: I have the honor to incluse you a few extracts from the French newspapers from which you may gather the general drift of public discussion on the Contined in relation to the settlement of the Trent affairs.

The Debats discusses at some leght the probable consequence of the settlement of the American diffierence and arrives at the conclusion that England has lost that gained by the Trent incident.

Messrs. Mason and Slidell will be given up. That is the naked fact which is all to the advantage of the English. But neverheless what consequences will there not be turning against them? We will not discuss the incident of the Trent in itself since it is now settled; but it constitutes as we said from the first day a very debatable case, and we are not astonished that when discussed at a meeting of lawyers the right of belligerents found as many advocates as that of neutrals. In fact it is the interpretation in favor of neutrals which thanks to England has gained the day. The first naval power in the world- that which ruling without dispute on the seas will always have the most frequent opportunities of profiting by the abuses of the right of search and which for that reason has almost always the most warmly opposed the privileges of neutrals-has just placed an important restiction on the maritime prerogatives of belligerents. We are therefore authorized in saying that it is more particularly her own power and her facilities of action which England by an energetic effort has fovever limited. If she has done it knowingly we admire her generosity. She could not have sacrificed wantonly a finer opportunity for creating a decisive precedent in favor of her oldest and most cherished pretensions. The first advantage which England will reap from the extradition of Messrs. Mason and Slidell is a skiring self-condemnation.

The Temps express itself in these terms:

Honor to the Government of the United States as well as to public opinion in America! To admit the necessities of a situation and to conform to it with a manly resignation is a proof of wisdom which is not yet very common among nations and