1175 Series II Volume II- Serial 115 - Prisoners of War
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governments. The American Government in releasing the prisoners has doubtless done nothing more than apply the doctrines which it has constantly professed, and at the same time it wards off a great danger. To do so has not the less required great strength of mind, great modernation and great command over itself. We have faith in that strength, in that modernation and in that self-command. If moreover President Lincoln wishes to crown his work and restore to the incident of the Trent its true and general signification he has only to solomnly consider the remostrances of England as an abandonment of the old maritime policy of England. The satisfaction of the moment is for England; the real triumph is in every way for the United States and for the cause of the freedom of the seas. This precedent is destined to be deeply engraved in the memory of nations. It has been said that England and English Government hold in reserve other motives and other pretexts for war. That may be possible, but she can now be defied to make use of them as public opinion would forbit it. Already divided before the victory which the Cabinet of Washington has just over itself public feeling will become unanimous. If we are not mistaken a great change in favor of the United States is about to take place, not only in England but in every country. This incident was perhaps necessary to make the Old World feel by that bonds the United States were connested with it. The South had considered the capture of its plenipotentiaries as equivalent to a victory; it will not be mistaken in regarding their release as an omen of its defeat.
From The Debats:
The outburst of joy which has taken place in London on the receipt of the news and the testimony of which is brought us by the English journals shows to what a degree England dreaded war after having adopted-perhaps too precipitately-the very system of conduct calculated to render it inevitable. England not only uses the language of satisfied national pride but breathes freely like a man who finds a heavy weight removed from his breast. The Post affects a little coldness and diplomatic haughtiness. "We hope," it says, "that this tardy reparation has been accompanied by the apologies demanded; " but The Times, that echo of public opinion, treats the question of excuses as one of little value, and being content to see the nightmare of a maritime war dispelled is disposed to pass over them.
The Opinion Nationale employs the following language:
The afair is now settled and we may henceforth sleep in peace. John Bull and Brother Jonathan are at last reconciled, and we might perhaps give way to enthusiasm on the subject if the insidious question, Is the reconciliation sincere? did not suddenly present itself to our mind. We should hesitae to answer in the affirmative. The Federal Cabinet has made a consession for which it must have felt great repugnance, but it saw all the danger op plunging into a war with England under present circumstances. It has therefore swallowed the affront, bt feels it too keenly to pardon England for inflicting it. The fire smolders; some day or other we shall see the flames burst forth. But is England which has obtained so great a triumph for her self-love satisfied with it after all? The fact is open to doubt. The British cabinet is suspected not without some plausible grounds of wishing to force wound upon the United States, and the language of the principal English journals would almost induce us to suppose that the liberation of Messrs. Mason and Slidell has in reality caused disappointment rather than pleasure.
The following is from The Siecle:
The dispatches which announce the favorable solution of the conflict between England and the United States have produced general satisfaction in Paris. The prospect of war which would necessarily lead to the most serious complications would fill with morning all those who like us would wish to see all nations proceed regularly and unshacled toward liberty and prosperity. In accepting the consequences of the act of Captain Wilkes the Cabinet of Washington would have uselessly compomised the future of the two hemispheres and the cause of the American Union. To yield under such circumstances is on its part a proof of strength rather than of weakness. It renders homage to the principles which it has itself defended for so many years and yields to the wishes express so unanimousy by the European Governments.
All had adopted the arguments so clearly developed by M. Thouvenel; all condemned the conduct of the commandant of the San Jacinto as contrary to the law of nations; but what is remarkable is that no power in presenting considerations on an isolated fact called in question the good faith, the inteligence and the patriotism of the Government of the American Republic. It has rellied round it sympathies which were about departing; and Messrs. Mason and Slidell, set a liberty by its orders, may without danger to it resume their voyage to Europe.
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